The Arts as Crisis-Engaged vs. Crisis-Shielded Work, Part 1: Shielding vs. Engagement

I have been wondering what art and music can/should do in crisis times, especially my niche imagistic abstract ambient acoustic psych songwriter music and the DIY/punk-descended music scenes it exists within. This has been an ongoing preoccupation of mine for many years, but the intensity spiked in February 2022, never let up, and spiked again last week during the Hamas massacres in southern Israel and subsequent ongoing Geneva Protocol-violating IDF bombing and siege of Gaza. None of this looks like it’s going to get better any time soon, either. It is time to try to address this question: Do artists and art communities bear a responsibility to engage with crises like the above?

Messiaen seemed to think so. He wrote and staged Quatuor pour la fin du temps in a Görlitz concentration camp. But was this his responsibility as an artist? He might he might have written something more cheerful to lift his fellow prisoners’ spirits, but he chose this very grave work instead. What would Messiaen do in 2023?

// // //

When global geopolitical conditions change, some people are forced to directly respond by the nature of their work: aid workers and emergency first-responders, politicians, members of the military, etc. Not responding directly would be a failure to accomplish their job. We can call the work of this group of people crisis-engaged work.

Other people might have work that obligates them to do the opposite, creating a bubble shielding their work from the chaos as much as possible: doctors, kindergarten teachers, transit system workers, etc. Not shielding their work would be a failure to accomplish their job. We can call the work of this group of people crisis-shielded work.

An extreme example of crisis-shielded work might clarify the question. Imagine a farmer in a small self-sustaining agricultural village on a state border shared by a hostile power. She sees enemy troops approaching her land. She could set her crops on fire and try to delay their invasion by forcing them to find another route, but if she did so she would jeopardize the village’s food supply. She has a primary responsibility to provide food to the village normally for as long as possible, especially in times of crisis. Otherwise, the village starves. Delaying the invasion a accomplishes little if they have no food. In absence of a phone call from the local unit commander instructing her to burn her crops, it’s sensible to conclude that the nature of her work obligates her to focus on agricultural concerns, to stay out of the crisis as much as possible, and to protect her fields rather than burn them. (Even granting that some might contest this, few would find a decision to burn her crops obviously right.)

In contrast, crisis-engaged work must change and directly address chaos. In our example above, the soldiers guarding the town our farmer lives in, and the village’s mayor, hospital workers, and manufacturing planners, would by many accounts be obligated to directly respond to the pending invasion in a way that drastically impacts their day-to-day functions. A construction company building a road, for example, might immediately pivot to building defensive structures with the same construction equipment. The mayor might cancel a fundraising trip to the capital. The hospital might activate a triage ward and begin a public blood drive. No bubble separates this work from the crisis. It proceeds in direct response to it.

As with many categories, most real-world examples are somewhere in the middle, partly crisis-engaged and partly crisis-shielded. History teachers must still show up for work and guide students through their studies, but they might teach lessons that illuminate the crisis. Journalists must still do their work with unflinching neutrality, but they might be particularly on guard against propaganda and fog-of-war misinformation. Truckers must still drive, but they might need to drive inconvenient unfamiliar routes or work longer hours to deliver crucial supplies.

(It bears mention that work’s crisis attachment is moderated by distance from the crisis arena; a usually crisis-shielded olive farmer or daycare worker under artillery fire in Gaza is more affected by clashes there than a usually crisis-engaged soldier or trauma surgeon in Japan is. But the increasingly-global scale of contemporary geopolitics ethically entangles many more people than geopolitical events in the past. This is especially true in conflicts like Palestine-Israel, as antisemitism and Islamophobia are deep problems everywhere, and in the Russo-Ukrainian War as the violent encroachment of a nuclear-armed kleptocratic mafia state into a European-facing regional power would imperil liberal civilization. Because of this diminishing role of distance and the increasing moral entanglement of every human being, I disregard in this discussion the moderating effect of distance from crisis, and focus instead on the nature of a task.)

But my focus is less general. I have three questions that I can’t let go of. To what extent are working musicians like me, the communities we interact with, and the cultural artifacts they make crisis-engaged vs. crisis-shielded? To what extent should they be? And how, precisely? I’m not sure yet. But I think I’m groping towards something that resembles an answer, and I’ll share more about it from Ternopil tomorrow.

Background reading to get us thinking in the mean time (download them here):

  1. Michaelson, C. (2011). Whose responsibility is meaningful work? Journal of Management Development, 30(6), 548-557. DOI: 10.1108/02621711111135152
  2. Sorell, T. (2003). Morality and Emergency. Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, New Series, 103, 21-37. URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4545384
  3. Wolf, S. (2013, February 21). The Routledge Lecture. URL: https://api.repository.cam.ac.uk/server/api/core/bitstreams/a652a216-0e44-47e2-ad8a-1351b8c6ae48/content

Tour Sitrep, Thu.12.Oct-14:10 and, Fri.13.Oct-07:30, and Fri.13.Oct-09:48

Thu.12.Oct-14:10 (Onboard a Deutsche Bahn regional train in Landkreis Oder-Spree, between Berlin and the Polish border) // Low gray clouds spit mist, and all the pavements are wet and reflective. I can hear freeway rush nearby when the doors open at stations, louder the closer we get to the Tesla factory. Inside the train it is clean and dry, and a young man deafens himself by suavely blasting German trap through earbuds. Occasionally his chill vibe is harshed by an add for online gambling, but the volume stays at gun range level. Poor guy.

Fri.13.Oct-07:30 (Warsaw West bus station) // Transferring in Warsaw was an awkward dream; a big box of a station with pedestrian underpasses, som3 taped off with flickering fluorescent lights, a dignified but well-worn facility of smooth charcoal/tan concrete. Bus station breakfast time air is a colloidal suspension of 63% bacon vapor, 29% atomized cleaning fluid, and 9% warm bread. I tried to order a coffee an alcove a few tables partitioned from the waiting hall by transparent yellow plastic strips but my Polish failed me, so I gave up and tapped my card on one of the beverage automats lining the wall.

There was an oddly pale flatscreen TV — a faulty HDMI cable with a broken red channel pin? I watched the state-run TV broadcast scary insinuations about a recent wave of migrants, faces of worried-officials technocrats cut with grainy footage of people in puffy jackets dragging roller suitcases across a wet-looking forest behind a razor wire fence. (It was this.) Two bored old men pointed at the screen, muttering to each other. We all sipped our automat coffee.

Fri.13.Oct-09:48-16:00 (Onboard the Warsaw-Lviv express bus about 100 km north of Lubin) // A mostly-flat rural expanse. The sunrise was golden on the freeway through Warsaw but we drove straight into a rainstorm and it has been low-contrast cloudwash since then. I have time to think, and write, and set up live audio scenarios for the clip launchers at my shows.

We got through Polish exit control and Ukrainian entrance control faster than I expected. The landscape doesn’t change much, but some basement windows have sandbags stacked against them and I see a few burned-out farmhouses. I was surprised to see signs of the bombardment of Lviv so immediately. But the mood on the bus is cheerful; an Italian young man seated next to me tells me that he is on his way to meet a friend he met a few months ago at university who had to return home. He doesn’t get specific, but the way he talks about her makes it seems like he cares for her very much her. “I’m Luigi!” he said, holding up a wallet charm of the Nintendo character namesake. “In case you forget my name, just remember this!’

I hope he and Sofia are having a wonderful time.

Emperor X Opening for Foxing / The Hotelier in November throughout Eastern U.S.

Nov. 1 (Wed.) – Millvale, PA – Mr. Smalls Theatre – TIX

Nov. 2 (Thu.) – Columbus, OH – Skully’s – TIX

Nov. 3 (Fri.) – Nashville, TN – The Basement East – TIX

Nov. 4 (Sat.) – St. Louis, MO – The Pageant – TIX

Nov. 5 (Sun.) – Lawrence, KS – The Bottleneck – TIX

Nov. 7 (Tue.) – Minneapolis, MN – Fine Line – TIX

Nov. 8 (Wed.) – Chicago, IL – Thalia Hall – TIX

Nov. 10 (Fri.) – Toronto, ON – Lee’s Palace – TIX

Nov. 11 (Sat.) – Detroit, MI – The Magic Stick – TIX

Nov. 12 (Sun.) – Cleveland, OH – Beachland – TIX

Nov. 14 (Tue.) – Washington, DC – The Howard – TIX

Nov. 15 (Wed.) – Philadelphia, PA – The TLA – TIX

Nov. 16 (Thu.) – Brooklyn, NY – Music Hall of Williamsburg – TIX

Nov. 17 (Fri.) – New York, NY – Racket – TIX

Nov. 18 (Sat.) – Cambridge, MA – The Sinclair – TIX

Nov. 19 (Sun.) – Cambridge, MA – The Sinclair – TIX

Day 1: DISASTER

D.C. Friends: I am furious and sad to inform you that about 60 minutes after I landed in the U.S. a freight train threw sparks that lit forest fires near Metropark, NJ and shut down all rail traffic in the northeast corridor for the night.

I am stuck in Newark, safe with friends but really really annoyed that the first night of my transit-themed tour starts with a transit-caused cancellation. The only silver lining is that the song that’s gonna come out of this will be SOMETHING.

Anyone who has tickets to tonight’s show at @PieShopDC can email me (info@crmatheny.net) with a screen cap of your ticket and your mailing address and you’ll get a special surprise in the mail. I will also inform you ASAP when this show gets reschduled.

Hey @musicofeyelids — have an amazing show, and please if you remember announce this thing about the ticketholders getting a free surprise next week if you’re not too busy blowing everyone’s minds.

This Weekend’s Supporter Access Video Walkthrough

The video above is a walkthrough for this weekend’s uploaded supporter-access session files and premasters. If you’re interested about what that’s all about, check the Comms page. I’m sort of halfway between it being public and not right now; it has been a slow process figuring out a way to do it sustainably and I haven’t wanted to hang up a “WE’RE OPEN!” sign yet for that reason. But quite a few of you found out about it without me even posting about it, which has given us an opportunity to test-drive. I’ll be posting more information about it over the next few weeks as the regular pattern of activity emerges.

Late Night Evening Swedish Bus Port System Administrator

Good Saturday, all:

I’m typing this from the central bus/train station in Gothenburg. Furniture: 5 stars. Floors: 5 stars. Outlets: N/A. Heating: 3 stars, considering how cold it is outside, but I’d still call it cold in here.

I’m on my way to play a show in Stockholm tonight (at Hus 7 with Freja the Dragon and Sticky Baby) and I had some time between shuffling around with all the other cold people while we wait to transfer and writing an essay about Edouard Machery‘s ideas as applied to media theory. And I used that time to finally get the Supporter Access part of this website working. (I HOPE!)

As an example, the two posts below this one are locked and accessible only to people with accounts, which can be obtained here. These posts contain links to full session files of old abandoned E.X tracks that are nevertheless interesting for one reason or another. I have hundreds of these and I’m interested to see what people will find useful in them.

There is also a very bare-bones, currently-somewhat-neglected Comms area. I’ll be using that more regularly starting this weekend and showing up for an office hours kind of situation in a Zoom-like room where we can talk about whatever. Most people who expressed interest in this idea seemed to want to talk about music production techniques and lyrics, but I’m happy to talk about anything on y’all’s minds.

Right now it’s a very very small group of about a dozen registered users. This is wild, though, because other than putting the tabs up on the website a few months ago I have never posted about Supporter Access or made any effort whatsoever to get people to sign up. That’ll change gradually over the next few weeks as I continue to smooth out the sign-up process + as I feel more confident that the subscribers to feel like they’re getting value out of the experience.

It’s a work in progress but feel free to jump in to early days.

Love from a Swedish bus port,

-030-
-CRM-

Come and get my $2500, Ron DeSantis.

I’m dipping a toe back into U.S. politics for a post because I saw this headline on Drudge:

At one level, the proposed law is media chum to trigger the libs and red meat for the GOP base who are hostile to the so-called mainstream media, and it’ll work, which I’m proving by posting about it. Consider this lib triggered. But the fact that my objection can be twisted into serving a convenient narrative for malicious actors is no excuse to not object. The law is unlikely to pass, and even if it did it wouldn’t stay in force for long. But even the suggestion of such a law as a serious proposal by a member of one of the U.S.’s major parties represents a significant step towards authoritarianism that draws directly from the playbook of Putin’s United Russia party, and responsible Floridians must take note of those similarities.

First, the law as proposed by Sen. Jason Brodeur: https://www.flsenate.gov/Session/Bill/2023/1316/BillText/Filed/HTML (see lines 158-253)

Next, an article explaining it: https://thehill.com/homenews/state-watch/3882068-florida-bill-would-require-bloggers-to-register-before-writing-about-desantis/

For the TLDR crowd, here’s a synopsis. A Republican senator in my home state of Florida yesterday proposed a law that would require people who get paid while writing about the governor and other elected executive branch officials to register their blog with the state or face fines of up to $2500.

It is important not to overreact to this kind of troll legislation which is unlikely to enter into force but which is useful to politicians mainly for its tendency to stir up emotional reactions in the media and move the public opinion needle. But it remains worth analyzing critically for two specific reasons: first, that it is a sign that at least some grassroots Republicans might be abandoning free speech as a first principle, and second, that it bears similarity to early attempts by Putin’s United Russia party to suppress anti-government public opinion in the run-up to the invasion of Crimea in 2014 and the escalation to full-scale war in 2022.

Though there’s some nuance on specific concerns, free speech is a topic about which Americans tend to agree, at least in principle and when polled with general language (Orth, 2022). Accordingly, both parties position themselves as champions of free speech. The right tends to defend speech that breaks politically correct social norms e.g. the controversy surrounding the gleefully homophobic Westboro Baptist Church (Baker et al., 2012), while the left tends to defend speech that breaks sexual and cultural social norms e.g. drag queen story time (Ellis, 2022), but both refer to similar values like liberty and freedom when they do so. For a comprehensive review of these tendencies over the first two centuries of American democracy from a civil libertarian perspective, see Graber (1991), or alternatively watch a few random episodes of centrist irritant Bill Maher’s Politically Incorrect on HBO, and you’ll get the picture. Americans across the political spectrum tend to appeal to free speech values to defend their position, whatever that position might be.

Brodeur’s proposed law is different. It is transparently indefensible in free speech terms, at least at the level of lay public discourse. Constitutional legal scholars are likely to shred it to pieces too, but that’s not relevant here as I’m not making any constitutional legal claims. What I’m pointing out is that this is law has an openly anti-free speech tone. It doesn’t even make an effort to appease the protections to speech the U.S. Constitution’s First Amendment provides, and it comes from a member of a mainstream U.S. political party which has historically claimed to champion free speech. I very much doubt Brodeur would even care to mount a defense of his law in terms of free speech because the way the law is written implies that the duty to register some kinds of speech — namely blog posts about Ron DeSantis — is obvious and not worth justifying. For such an assumption to come from someone whose party has in the past defended lobbying corporations as legal people deserving of First Amendment protection (Citizens United v. FEC, 2010) and railed against the presence of censorship zones in public universities (Ekin, 2017), this is a noteworthy change of tack. We should ask ourselves: why now, and why this way?

As a possible answer, we should look at the second unique feature of Brodeur’s proposed law: it would use a state mechanism to keep tabs on journalists. Despite the First Amendment, precedent for this in the U.S. exists, most dramatically in the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA, 1938). But crucially, both in intent and application, this Roosevelt-era wartime law focused on the characteristics of the speech agent itself, not on the content of the speech agent’s speech. Brodeur’s proposal differs by targeting only those bloggers writing about specific elected officials, which warrants comparison not with FARA but instead with a series of similar agent registry laws enacted in the Russian Federation beginning in 2012 (HRW, 2017), continuing with increased regularity and slowly-rising severity to the present day (HRW, 2022). These laws, like Brodeur’s, target not merely so-called foreign agents but also private citizens who write about specific topics which can be interpreted at the whim of the appointed judiciary. It started gently, but flash forward eleven years and innocuous symbols like rainbows or unicorns are routinely interpreted by the state as criminal “gay propaganda” (HRW, ibid..) Such laws paved the way for the present conditions in which the Russian state has wide power to legally and technically block anyone inside the Russian Federation from posting on social media after expressing critical views about their government’s invasion of Ukraine under strict interpretations of laws limiting speech of civilians on the topic (Simon, 2022). It is a routine occurrence; friends and family relations of mine in Russia have been subject to these sanctions with no fanfare. Like Brodeur’s law, the Russian registry laws appeared confusing, bureaucratic, and mostly harmless at first. But they are now being used to silence, penalize, and even incarcerate dissenting opinion. We should be aware of the danger this tendency presents in Florida now to prevent the eleven year frog boil Russian society experienced. If we don’t, this might be our grandma too:

Leftists have a unique opportunity here. Whether we like to admit it or not, many of us on the left admire values Republicans claim to hold, such as the commitment to free speech as a pillar of democracy. Those shared values create rare but fruitful paths towards consensus. Brodeur’s proposed blog law, if taken as Republican policy, leaves no room for such cross-party admiration, because it abandons the narrow consensus shared by those on the American left and right around free speech. This is a potential wedge issue over which many centrist Republicans would oppose Brodeur. The DeSantis crowd presents the left with its first chance in a generation to seize the free speech concept as a PR weapon against corrupt power. It’s our narrative too, not just theirs. And I’ll take any bet hinging on most Americans, even Republicans, breaking for free speech over government control of citizen journalists.

I’m (legally speaking, still) a Florida blogger, some people support me transactionally for my creative work including this blog, and I write about Ron DeSantis occasionally, all of which together mean that Brodeur’s proposal would cover my activity. But no state will convince me to register with some office for the right to write. I await my $2500 fine with the same mocking amusement a supporter of the Freedom Caucus would. Come and get it, Florida. Слава демократії!

References

Baker, J. O., Bader, C. D., & Hirsch, K. (2015). Desecration, moral boundaries, and the movement of law: The case of Westboro Baptist Church. Deviant Behavior, 36(1), 42-67. Available at: https://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/devbh36&div=6&g_sent=1&casa_token=dbFkK3d2THAAAAAA:bBnrPyU_65aIlwgHKOLSAh8ZExYw0sdjyIJeGanXi8YBWVfO5wLJQOZcHu7lK8cJWb5sYRFTPA&collection=journals

Department of Justice. (1938). Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA). Retrieved March 3, 2023, from: https://www.justice.gov/nsd-fara

Ekins, E. (2017). The State of Free Speech and Tolerance in America. Cato Institute.
Available at: https://www.cato.org/survey-reports/state-free-speech-tolerance-america#

Ellis, J. (2022). A fairy tale gone wrong: Social media, recursive hate and the politicisation of Drag Queen Storytime. The journal of criminal law, 86(2), 94-108. Available at: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/00220183221086455?casa_token=PhD-a1SxXy0AAAAA:MY1lDIVDXKiJEy7inpyD7lklpz5bkoL0E75L-x_HXRoYHfs-7ziDRjbiumSI0ckSlnbM1h20qrMDvA

Federal Election Commission (2010). Citizens United v. FEC. Available at: https://www.fec.gov/legal-resources/court-cases/citizens-united-v-fec/

Florida Senate. (2023). Senate Bill 1316: An act relating to bloggers. Available at: https://www.flsenate.gov/Session/Bill/2023/1316/BillText/Filed/HTML

Graber, M. (1991). Transforming Free Speech: The Ambiguous Legacy of Civil Libertarianism. University of California Press E-Books Collection. Available at: https://publishing.cdlib.org/ucpressebooks/view?docId=ft2r29n8c5;chunk.id=0;doc.view=print

Human Rights Watch. (2017). Russia’s assault on the freedom of expression. Available at:
https://www.hrw.org/report/2017/07/18/online-and-all-fronts/russias-assault-freedom-expression

Human Rights Watch. (2022). Expanded ‘Gay Propaganda’ Ban Progresses Toward Law. Available at: https://www.hrw.org/news/2022/11/25/russia-expanded-gay-propaganda-ban-progresses-toward-law

Mueller, J. (2018, May 9). Florida bill would require bloggers to register before writing about DeSantis. .Title of the article. The Hill. Available at: https://thehill.com/homenews/state-watch/3882068-florida-bill-would-require-bloggers-to-register-before-writing-about-desantis/

Orth, T. (2022, March 29). Does Free Speech Mean Freedom from Consequences? YouGov. Available at: https://today.yougov.com/topics/politics/articles-reports/2022/03/29/does-free-speech-mean-freedom-from-consequences

“О внесении изменений в отдельные законодательные акты Российской Федерации” [On amendments of some legislative acts of the Russian Federation]. Federal Law No. 129-FZ of 23 May 2015 (in Russian). State Duma. Available at: http://pravo.gov.ru/proxy/ips/?searchres=&bpas=cd00000&a3=102000505&a3type=1&a3value=&a6=&a6type=1&a6value=&a15=&a15type=1&a15value=&a7type=1&a7from=&a7to=&a7date=23.05.2015&a8=129-%D4%C7&a8type=1&a1=&a0=&a16=&a16type=1&a16value=&a17=&a17type=1&a17value=&a4=&a4type=1&a4value=&a23=&a23type=1&a23value=&textpres=&sort=7&x=63&y=16

Simon, S. (2022, March 5). Russian law bans journalists from calling Ukraine conflict a ‘war’ or an ‘invasion.’ National Public Radio. Available at: https://www.npr.org/2022/03/05/1084729579/russian-law-bans-journalists-from-calling-ukraine-conflict-a-war-or-an-invasion